A recent critique has been leveled against educational expert Ahmed Tassa, asserting his arguments on language and education form a "maze of ideas and claims" where facts, interpretations, history, politics, education, and prejudices are intertwined. The article specifically criticizes Mr. Tassa for presenting this "maze of ideas and claims" where these disparate elements overlap, creating a complex and sometimes convoluted narrative. The critique further notes that interviewers of Mr. Tassa have not disclosed details about his academic and professional background, beyond his publications in education and his role as a consultant. This lack of detailed background information for the expert has been noted as a point of concern within the critique. Mr. Tassa, responding to criticisms that arose from a previous article discussing his ideas based on textual quotes from his writings, stated, "لا أفهم ما الذي تقصدونه. اتهاماتكم وأكاذيبكم لا تمنعني من النوم… أنتم الوهابيون" (I don't understand what you mean. Your accusations and lies don't stop me from sleeping... You are Wahhabis). He also questioned the current debate over the French language, remarking, "بعد الاستقلال، تعلّم أبناء الشهداء والمجاهدين باللغة الفرنسية، ونجحوا بها، وأصبحوا أطباء ودكاترة [“دكاتير” حسب تعبيره] ومهندسين، ولم يقل أحد منهم يومها إن الفرنسية هي لغة المستعمر. فلماذا يأتي اليوم [بعد التسعينيات] من لم يعرف الاستعمار ليقول إنها لغة المستعمر ويريد تنحيتها؟" (After independence, the children of martyrs and mujahideen learned in French, succeeded in it, and became doctors and engineers, and none of them said then that French was the language of the colonizer. So why do those who didn't experience colonialism come today [after the nineties] to say it's the language of the colonizer and want to remove it?). He additionally commented, "ومع ذلك، هل صنعت هذه البلدان صاروخًا؟" (Yet, have these countries built a rocket?). Mr. Tassa also contended, "الجزائريين لن يقرأوا الأدب الجزائري بالفرنسية" (Algerians will not read Algerian literature in French) and mentioned "حفظ نص قرآني حجمه صفحتان وحديث شريف طوله ثلاث صفحات" (memorizing a two-page Quranic text and a three-page noble hadith).
Expert's Stance on Language and History
Ahmed Tassa has expressed his views on educational practices, noting the necessity of continuous teacher training and reviewing teaching methods across all subjects, including Arabic and French. He specifically advocates for building curricula for scientific subjects and criticizes the prevalence of rote learning and memorization in the educational process, viewing these as poor tendencies within the educational system. Mr. Tassa asserted that after Algeria's independence, the children of martyrs and mujahideen learned and succeeded in French, becoming doctors and engineers, with no one at that time labeling French as the colonizer's language. This forms a core part of his historical argument regarding language use in Algeria.
He contends that after the 1990s, individuals who did not experience colonialism began to refer to French as the colonizer's language and sought its removal. Mr. Tassa believes the language issue was not raised in this manner prior to the 1990s, suggesting its emergence afterward was due to people influenced by ideologues. He maintains that French should not be displaced by English in Algerian schools, stressing its continued importance. Mr. Tassa also claims that before the 1990s, Algerians "jongled" (نحت الخبير من الفعل jongler) in Arabic, French, and English, and that the language issue only arose after the 1990s "because of Wahhabism." This claim suggests a deliberate shift in linguistic policy influenced by external ideological factors.
A central argument for Mr. Tassa is defending the position of the French language, stating that not teaching it will lead to Algerians not reading Algerian literature in French. This notes his obsession with the continued relevance of French in the Algerian cultural and educational landscape. He is also described as having a strong focus on the Arabic language, specifically discussing "Algerian Arabic" and not accepting formal Arabic (Fusha) as the sole form of Arabic in schools. This stance suggests a preference for a more localized and perhaps colloquial approach to Arabic instruction. Mr. Tassa claims that Algerians possess articulation points that enable them to master the pronunciation of any human language, suggesting a unique linguistic aptitude. He further asserts that a textbook previously titled "Moral, Civic, and Religious Education" became "Islamic Education" after the 1990s, interpreting this name change as evidence of an ideological shift linked to the emergence of "Wahhabism." He also claims that students were required to memorize "two pages of a Quranic text and a three-page Hadith," which he presents as a consequence of this perceived ideological shift.
Fallacies in Language Claims
When educational expert Ahmed Tassa’s ideas were discussed in a previous article, drawing on textual quotes from his writings, his response was direct: “I don't understand what you mean. Your accusations and lies don't stop me from sleeping… You are Wahhabis.” This strong reaction shows the contentious nature of the debate surrounding his views. The article further argues that Mr. Tassa's claim that French should not be displaced relies on a fallacy, specifically moving from the occurrence of something to the necessity of its continuation. This logical flaw is presented as a weakness in his argument for maintaining the status quo of French language instruction.
At the time of Algeria's independence, French functioned as the language of administration, universities, medicine, technology, and the economy. It represented a colonial legacy imposed by existing structures, rather than a free educational choice made by the populace. The critique points out that Mr. Tassa overlooks individuals who failed in their education due to their ignorance of French, as well as those who subsequently dropped out of school, implying that the widespread use of French was not universally beneficial or accessible. In 1962 and the years immediately following, education in Algeria was largely restricted to an urban elite living in cities, given that illiteracy was widespread and the "democratization of education" had not yet extended to villages and rural areas. This historical context challenges Mr. Tassa's portrayal of French as a universally embraced language of success post-independence.
The article clarifies that referring to French as the colonizer's language does not equate to advocating for its "removal," a term Mr. Tassa frequently uses. The critique also refutes Mr. Tassa's assertion about Algerians "jongling" languages before the 1990s, stating that few mastered French, even fewer mastered Arabic, and very few achieved mastery in English or two languages during that period. This contradicts his claim of widespread multilingualism. The article questions which authority has actually indicated not teaching French or "removing" it, suggesting that Mr. Tassa's repeated use of the term "removal" constitutes intentional exaggeration, potentially to create a false dilemma or alarm.
Misrepresentations of Gulf Education
Educational expert Ahmed Tassa claims that the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, and Qatar teach all subjects in English from kindergarten through university, with the exceptions of Arabic, history, and religious education. This assertion forms a key part of his broader argument about language policy and educational models. However, a critique of his arguments asserts that government educational institutions in Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and Bahrain teach mathematics and other sciences in Arabic from kindergarten up to the end of secondary school. This directly contradicts Mr. Tassa's assertion about the language of instruction in these Gulf nations, indicating a significant factual inaccuracy in his claims.
In Qatar, the educational path is described as similar to Saudi Arabia's, with Arabic being the primary language for scientific subjects in state schools. The critique notes a special track exists for a small elite, comprising less than 1% of total students, who continue scientific subjects in English from the intermediate stage. This nuance notes that while some English instruction occurs, it is not the dominant model Mr. Tassa describes. The United Arab Emirates reportedly employs multiple educational tracks, which are said to be similar to the Qatari system but with slight differences in implementation, further demonstrating a more complex reality than Mr. Tassa presents.
The critique states that evidence refuting Mr. Tassa's claims can be found by accessing the official websites of the ministries of education in Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, and the UAE. It suggests that downloading the freely available textbooks from these sites confirms that Arabic is the predominant language of instruction across various subjects, including sciences, thereby providing tangible proof against Mr. Tassa's assertions. Mr. Tassa, in a rhetorical question clearly intended to be sarcastic, asks, "And yet, have these countries built a rocket?" This question implicitly dismisses the educational models of these countries based on his own (disputed) understanding of their language policies and perceived technological achievements.
Author's Assessment and Broader Context
The article notes that the Council of Europe, an organization founded in 1949 and encompassing 46 countries with a combined population of 700 million, has adopted a specific definition of "positive education." Since 2006, this definition has been based on principles of non-violence and dialogue. This framework provides a broader context for evaluating educational approaches, including those discussed by Ahmed Tassa, by noting international standards and values concerning pedagogical methods and their societal implications. The Council's stance shows a global movement towards educational models prioritizing peace, constructive communication, and inclusive learning environments. This international perspective offers a benchmark against which Mr. Tassa's arguments and the educational debates in Algeria can be considered.